Tuesday, July 18, 2017

THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS EDUCATION BOARD




FORMATION OF THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS EDUCATION BOARD
It is no secret that the struggle for the restoration of the statehood of Southern Cameroons has been largely successful due to the immense sacrifices made by our teachers, students, parents, guardians and communities at large. A lot of people have been working quietly in the background not just to sustain the struggle, but also to come up with forward thinking ideas and solutions which are urgently needed in the restructuring of our current educational system under threat by La République’s Franco-educational infiltration. We would like to seize this opportunity, to thank all and sundry for their commendable efforts that has seen the recent conclave made ground breaking developments with regards to the future of the education of children.
It is worth mentioning that prior to the conclave, the “Think Tank;” a group of Southern Cameroonian experts in: education policy, entrepreneurship, defence, diplomacy, strategy, etc, deliberated intensely on the subject of school resumption. Thanks to these very dedicated and hardworking citizens, we now have a “white paper” that presents the options available to Southern Cameroonians with regards to this highly sensitive subject school resumption.
Amongst several resolutions adopted at the conclave, the most important was Article No6 that saw the creation of the Southern Cameroons Ambazonia Education Board (SCAEB). The immediate responsibilities of the board are:
1. To layout a calendar for the 2017-2018 academic year.
2. To make plans for the smooth resumption of schools.
3. To draft a new curriculum that is reflective of the Anglo-Saxon education system.
Mindful of the fact that the board would require a wide range of support in order to be able to carry out their responsibilities effectively. Mindful of the importance of the decentralisation of power. Mindful of the relevance of getting parents and communities to be directly involve in the educational process of their children, SCACUF’s Governing Council has also put in place, a separate commission that would regulate the SCAEB and work hand in hand with them in order to deliver better results. The commission is made up of a mixture of experts in various fields including education. It also boasts of teachers, parents, community leaders, entrepreneurs, technology enthusiasts, etc, and would be managed by the office of the Vice Chairman; Mr. Tassang Wilfred who happens to be an expert in education as well.
Their task is not only limited to collaborating with SCAED to provide us a plan for the resumption of schools and a new curriculum, it is also inclusive of pedagogy and the adaptation of courses which are contextual relevant to Southern Cameroons socio-economic and political needs and development first, and to the international market second.
-It is unacceptable that after more than five decades of our union with La République, we cannot produce engineers who can effectively and independently construct and maintain our roads, bridges, reservoirs and other important infrastructures.
-It is unacceptable that after more than five decades of union with La République our bio-chemistry graduates cannot produce paracetamol.
-It is unacceptable that in 2017, a country surrounded by timber and blessed with sulphur is still importing matches.
The only reason that these things are happening is because of our current educational system and we can promise the People of Southern Cameroons that we are fighting tooth and nail to put and end to that. We need an educational system that produces young men and women who create contrary to the present one that predominantly produces consumers.
On that note, We therefore call on all our parents, teachers, and students not to fall into the traps of La République who are announcing a return to school in September without releasing our teachers, lawyers, students, and children who have been illegally locked up in Kondengui for months now. We cannot collaborate with the same LRC government who has responded to the legitimate demands of our teacher’s union leaders by arresting, killing, torturing them and forcing most into exile. The same La République that has dragged out clergy men to court for standing behind their people and the same La République that has damaged our very own coveted GCE board and exams.
Under No circumstances should our parents lose hope and send their children back to study under a system of education that has been purposefully designed by La République to assimilate and eradicate our Anglo-Saxon system of education, our legal system, and culture. We must continue the resistance and keep hopes alive and our numerous sacrifices would never be in vain.
We shall keep you constantly informed on the progress made by the Southern Cameroons Ambazonia Education Board. In the meantime, if you have any questions or contributions to make to SCAEB, please send an email to: press@scacuf.org and it shall be routed to the right quarters.
The struggle continues.
Edited by Adjani OKPU-EGBE
for
SCACUF Communications.

Monday, July 17, 2017

BREACH OF INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATION: A LEGAL DIAGNOSTIC OF UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTION 1608, OF APRIL 21, 1961 by By: Justice Muluh Mbuh, S.G APEC Washington, DC, USA.



BREACH OF INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATION: A LEGAL DIAGNOSTIC OF UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTION 1608, OF APRIL 21, 1961.

A Synopsis of the Tragic and Pathetic Tale of how Cameroun, a former United Nations Trust Territory, Recolonized another United Nations Trust Territory--The Republic of Ambazonia (The British Southern Cameroons) - in violation of International Trust, Responsibility and Obligation.

Introduction:
In 1916 the Armies of France, Britain and Belgium jointly defeated the Germans in the Kamerun and took over the territory, sharing it between France and Britain. The arrangement was made law by the Anglo-French Treaty of that same year. The Paris Peace recognized these arrangements, followed by the League of Nations in 1922 and then the United Nations in 1945. Both the League and the United Nations operated systems that protected former German territories as well as other territories not directly under the colonial authority of any superpower as Mandated Territories and Trust Territories respectively. Thus when it came to decolonization that is, granting self-government or independence to these territories the United Nations did make several blunders concerning German Kamerun, which by 1960 was represented as British Cameroons (Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons) and French Cameroun following the Anglo-French Treaty of 1916.
However, prior to decolonization, France had taken portions of Kamerun which it had ceded to Germany before the war and reunited them to French Equatorial Africa, leaving Cameroun as the biggest territory that was once under German Kamerun. While the territories reunited with French Equatorial Africa are not the subject of this paper, the British Cameroons, specifically Southern Cameroons and Cameroun are, because during the separation from 1916-1960 both territories underwent different political orientations which effectively gave them different cultures, educational and legal systems - and so it became important that if the two were to be reunited again, they had to be under some form of a loose Federation which effectively preserved their various sovereignties and hence, colonial heritage. The arrangements for the Federation were made under the direct supervision of the United Nations Trusteeship Council, which supervised the Trust Territories and reported to the United Nations General Assembly, and in preparing them for self-government or independence. What has come under scrutiny in this paper is the fact that the United Nations sponsored Plebiscite Treaty and subsequent United Nations Resolution 1608 of April 21, 1961, which demanded that contracting parties honor the results of the said plebiscite. The plebiscite was to decide the fate of the British Cameroons--the one part, Northern Cameroons that voted to join Nigeria as part of the Nigerian Federation, and the Southern Cameroons, which voted to join Cameroun in the loose Cameroon Federation. But ever since, the fate of the British Cameroons and the UN Resolution 1608 has been in violation by Cameroun, France, Britain and the United Nations itself now for forty years. This paper is written on with the assumption that the international legal instruments that created and paved the way for the Kamerun Federation amount to an international treaty, and that these instruments have collectively been violated by all parties, with the exception to the British Southern Cameroons. The British Southern Cameroons has invoked international law to reinstate its sovereignty, citing "a material breach of Treaty."

The Doctrine of Pacta Sunt Servanda:
In international law, the doctrine of Pacta Sunt Servanda (see Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, Article 26) is the guarding angel of all treaties, agreements, declarations and conventions. It demands that all parties who contract them respect all such embodiments of treaties. In other words, all treaties are binding upon the contractors, unless they were mere "gentleman’s agreement." This same guarding angel can become a premise where we can begin understanding why parties involved in the 1961 United Nations-sponsored Plebiscite have not honored the treaty, and then use our deductions to make a solid case for the total independence of British Southern Cameroons in the name of the Republic of Ambazonia, now and as peacefully as possible before it is too late.
To understand the deceit that is characteristic of the illusion of Cameroun as a unitary state or as a Federation that never was, we ought to understand the said UN Resolution properly. Looking at the treaty (my use of treaty instead of stated resolutions and pacts is because it is more encompassing, given the string of international legal instruments involved in building the framework for the UN Plebiscite of February 11, 1961), we observe the following:
1) Cameroun, a Trust Territory in equal status with the British Southern Cameroons, voted against the Resolution;
2) France, the colonial master and administering authority of the French Cameroun equally voted against the Resolution;
3) All of French Speaking West Africa and Equatorial Africa, with the exception of Mali, voted against the resolution;
4) Cameroun was decolonized separately from the British Cameroons when it effectively gained independence on January 1, 1960, and so began exercising its right as a nation with a seat at the UN without Southern Cameroons or Northern Cameroons having attained the same status.
The United Nations Sponsored Plebiscite of February 11, 1961, was organized to determine the constitutional future of the British Cameroons--British Southern Cameroons and British Northern Cameroons, and in fulfillment of the provisions of the League of Nations and hence United Nations concerning Trust Territories. These territories had to, like other colonial and other peoples without representation, be led to the attainment of either "Self-Government" or "independence," in fulfillment of the aspirations and wishes of the peoples (see also the General Assembly Declaration Granting Self-Government or independence to Colonial and Other Peoples of 1960. This Declaration was a final pledge by various leaders of nations to liberate humanity from the malpractice of colonialism (decolonization). What is important here is the fact that the right to self-determination became equated with other inalienable rights, including the right to exercise sovereignty. Concerning the Trust Territories of the British Southern Cameroons and Northern Cameroons, the inalienable rights of the masses were protected in that they were given the free will, though with limited choices, to determine their future based in some part, on their affiliations with the neighboring territories and the historic evolution of the African peoples as a whole. However, a proper examination of the plebiscite arrangements would reveal just why the contracting parties failed to carry through with the resolution, and so in the end, have created more problems for the peoples of British Southern Cameroons than decolonize the territory. In this regard, the plebiscite was arranged in violation of the instruments that constitute international law, from the League through to the declaration granting self-government or independence.

Decolonization Difficulties and the Violations of International Law:
Firstly, and in accordance with the Covenant of the League, the United Nations Charter and the aspirations of humanity in time scheduled preferences; the Plebiscite was in violation of both the Covenant and the Charter. The League Covenant had warned that no clauses of the Mandate System, which was later to become the Trusteeship, should be violated by any nation or group of nations. It warned, and it was according to such warning that Namibia was freed from the illegal grip or attempts at annexation by South Africa (See ICJ Advisory Opinion on Namibia), when South Africa was threatened with sanctions and or expulsion from the United Nations should it annex Namibia. Concerning Namibia, the Court had warned that "a material breach" of treaty (see Article 60 of Vienna Convention, 1969/1980) occurred in relation for the mandate for Namibia (South West Africa), regarded as an international Treaty, and that South Africa had repudiated the treaty (R. Shabtai, 1985, Breach of Treaty). On Namibia, the General Assembly noted:
Open Quote: "The Resolution in question is therefore to be viewed as the exercise of the right to terminate a relationship in case of a deliberate and persistent violation of obligations which destroy the very objective and purpose for that relationship."(ICJ Report, 1971, p.16 at 47, Para. 94-95). Close Quote.
More specifically, the Charter went further to uphold and safeguard the warnings of the Covenant when in Article 76 (b) as in part in 73 (b) when it stated that the basis objective of the Trusteeship System was:
Open Quote: (b) to promote the political, economic, social and educational advancement of the inhabitants of trust territories, and their progressive development towards self-government or independence as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and the freely expressed wishes of its peoples concerned, and as may be provided by the terms of each trusteeship agreement. Close quote.
Concerning the British Southern Cameroons, others, especially historians of French Cameroun who have re-written and distorted the history of British Southern Cameroons, have argued that when we consult UN Article 76, we should not only read portions of 76b, but also read the entire article. In doing so, they argue, we will understand properly why Cameroun had to use all means possible to accommodate Southern Cameroons. But even when we do so, (76a stresses that the trusteeship agreements should conform to Article 1 of the UN Charter, and (c) encourages respect for human rights which would encourage interdependence, while (d) stresses equal treatment without prejudice!), the case of the British Southern Cameroons against Cameroun recolonization and the failure of the entire Trusteeship System to stand to the task assigned them becomes even stronger, as nothing in the forty years of Camerounization (an ill-attempt by a former French Colony, Cameroun, to assimilate the people of British Southern Cameroons by tormenting them in order to force them to forget their Anglo-Saxon orientation) has been out to promote love, unity or respect for human rights, let alone, self-government or independence. The conclusion of this first instance of violation of the Covenant of the League and the Charter of the United Nations suggests that the UN had no mandate to organize the said plebiscite.
Secondly, the United Nations failed to take into consideration the facts of the history of the territories that once constituted German Kamerun. For instance, if we went as far back as 1916 when the Anglo-French Treaty divided the Kamerun after the joint defeat of Germany by the Anglo-French-Belgium trio, we observe that the treaty not only come under fire when the League still recognized portions and all of the territory as separate entities not constituting or accorded the same rights as former colonies of these colonial masters. By so doing, German Kamerun was effectively, though as separate territories, placed under the Mandate System! What this means is that when we apply decolonization to the territories that once constituted Kamerun, we ought to have decolonized them as a unit not as separate entities. If we had to ask foolish question of "either" "or," and only to the British Cameroons, we were effectively giving legitimacy to French Breach of the Mandate System and Trusteeship Laws by taking portions of German Kamerun and uniting them at their will, with French Equatorial African territories.
Effectively, the selective application of the principles of decolonization were bias--against all Kamerun and against the British Cameroons especially, and are in themselves a cause of the troubles of the present aspirations of the peoples of British Southern Cameroons and their demands for total independence. The mistake the UN made was that German Kamerun was never decolonized as a single entity, (even if we were to put aside the highly skewed argument that the Franco-German treaty which ceded portions of the German West Africa territory of Western Sahara (to Morocco) and in East Africa to the French in exchange for those France reunited with Equatorial Africa had collapsed, because the French defeated the Germans in World War I). This argument does not hold well with international law for the simple reason that those conquered territories of World War I did not effectively become part of the original empire of the conquering nations. Conquest was already being effectively resisted as a legal means of acquiring rights or title to territory, as can be seen by the fact that these territories were considered "Mandated" or eventually as "Trust Territories"!
Thirdly, the United Nations failed to give the people of British Cameroons a third option--that of total independence from either Nigeria or Cameroun. This was a mistake since a trust territory could not have attained either "self-government" or "independence" by joining another trust territory or another independent nation: Independence ought to be independence, no less and no more.

THE UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTION 1608 OF APRIL 21, 1961:
This resolution was approved to put effect to the plebiscite results, which made Northern Cameroons part of the Nigerian Federation and would have made Southern Cameroons part of the Cameroon Federation. While Nigeria did not have any difficulties implementing this resolution, Cameroun did for the reasons we already advanced at the beginning of this essay. Cameroun and all of French Africa, with the exception of Mali, voted against the United Nations Resolution 1608. Paragraph 5 of the resolution demanded that the contracting parties, that is Cameroun, Southern Cameroons, Britain and France should convene urgent talks, which would be supervised by the United Nations Trusteeship Council, to ensure that an agreement of the Cameroon Federation was reached before the termination of the Trusteeship of the Southern Cameroons.
Secondly, Cameroun had problems implementing the Resolution because an alien state was being injected into the French Empire. Southern Cameroons was Anglo-Saxon and Cameroun was Napoleonic or Gaullist. This means that they both had differences in legal, educational, and linguistic matters besides many others, which even the running of Federation sanctioned by the UN was close to being an impossibility unless both states safeguarded their individual sovereignties. Such arguments may equally be advanced by Cameroun in defense of its ways of attempting to make Southern Cameroons part of its territorial jurisdiction, but this will not hold well with legal arguments because they hold more for reasons to have given Southern Cameroons separate independence regardless of any other arguments to the contrary. However, several factors have contributed to making the implementation of UN Resolution 1608 totally impossible.

Difficulties in Implementing 1608:
1) The United Nations representatives (of the Trusteeship Council) were absent at Foumban Constitutional Talks to formalize the Cameroon Federation.
2) The Administering authority, the British, were equally absent at Foumban Constitutional Talks, leaving the British Southern Cameroons at the mercy of French Technical Advisers and Cameroun crude politicians.
3) French Technical advisers, eager to maintain treaties signed with Cameroun at independence which rendered Cameroun’s independent null and void (since France controlled Cameroun, defense, economy, currency, imports and exports, etc.), did all they could to ensure that the French policy of assimilation became the goal of the Cameroun politicians since an effective Federation would have given Ten deputies of the Southern Cameroons (West Cameroon) powers that would have automatically made Cameroun a democratic Federation and so difficult for the French to push around with their treaties. Besides, an effective Federation would have meant effect abrogation of those treaties since the succeeding State (Cameroon Federation) had to debated and renegotiated those agreements signed by the previous two states (Cameroun and Southern Cameroons).
4) The Ahidjo Foncha Accord at Foumban that adjourned the Constitutional talks was equally violated since Ahidjo did not honor it. Ahidjo and the Southern Cameroons delegation had agreed that amendments were to be made on the Cameroun Constitution, which will effectively serve the Federation purpose, and that Ahidjo’s government shall send the draft to the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly and the Cameroun National Assembly for deliberations that could lead to the adoption of the Federal Constitution. This did not happen because Ahidjo, shortly after, issued a Presidential Decree, which made the Constitution of Cameroun the law of the so-called Federation. This immediately gave birth to the Southern Cameroons resistance, which has now materialized in the Republic of Ambazonia, following Biya’s great blunder, which returned the Federal or unity system to the Cameroun Identity at independence with a similar Presidential decree in January 1984.

The Law of Treaties:
An understanding of what international law has to say on matters of breach of treaty can be easily found by examining the Vienna Convention on the law of Treaties, done at Vienna on May 23, 1969 and entered into force on January 27, 1980. It is important that we examine relevant portions of this legal instrument so as to have a better grasp of the conclusions that may arise from them. Since disputes of sovereignty are very common in escalating into armed conflicts, it is especially important that we understand the provisions of the Vienna Convention as they apply to the situation in the Cameroons and why, besides demanding a peaceful separation, it is equally important that Ambazonia continues to demand that Cameroun honor the terms of the Plebiscite Treaty.

Definition of Important Legal Terms:
The Vienna Convention defines a treaty as "an agreement concluded between States in written form and governed by international law, whether embodied in a single instrument or in two or more related instruments and whatever its particular designation." [Article 1, (a)]. The Convention defines ratification or acceptance, or approval, or accession--in relation to the international act so named as a situation whereby a state establishes on the international plane its consent to be bound by a treaty.

The TWO ALTERNATIVES & UN RESOLUTION 1608 (xv) GAO UNTIL THE PHILOSOPHY WHICH HOLDS ONE NATION SUPERIOR (CAMEROUN) AND ANOTHER INFERIOR (AMBAZONIA) - SUBJECTED TO ANOTHER (FRANCE), IS FINALLY, AND PERMANENTLY, UTTERLY DESTROYED, EVERYWHERE IS WAR! Paraphrased from Bob Marley's "War" song.

Mr. Ian Macleod, Secretary of the Colonies for the United Kingdom narrates the content of "THE TWO ALTERNATIVES" which UN RES 1608 [xv] was supposed to implement.
Quote begins pg. 14:
"The Secretary of State had noted that the Premier [Foncha] of the Southern Cameroons had ascertained from the President of the Cameroun Republic that a Federal form of constitution would be acceptable. The following interpretation was proposed as being consistent with the second question, it being understood that the association of the United Nations with the post plebiscite conference mentioned in the text below would be subject to its agreement:
--[A vote for attaining independence by joining the Republic of Cameroon would mean that by an early date to be decided by the United Nations after consultation with the Governments of the Southern Cameroons and the Cameroon Republic and the United Kingdom as Administering Authority, the Southern Cameroons and the Cameroon Republic would unite as a Federal United Cameroun Republic. The arrangements would be worked out after the plebiscite by a conference consisting of representatives’ delegations of EQUAL STATUS from the Republic and the Southern Cameroons, the United Nations and the United Kingdom would also be associated with this conference].
[---- last sentence omitted----]
unquote! The aforementioned conference has never been held, yet Cameroun Republic and their government go about boasting and filing falsified claims to the international community how she exercises sovereignty over Bakassi and over all of Ambazonia, subjugates the latter’s masses to all forms of torture in attempting to force them into submission to Cameroun rule, which they consistently continue to resist as peacefully as possible from 1961 till date!
UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTION 1608 (xv) APRIL 21, 1961 APPROVING THE RESULTS OF THE UNITED NATIONS SPONSORED PLEBISCITE OF FEBRAURY 11, 1961 IN “AMBAZONIA VERSUS CAMEROUN” AT THE HAGUE-ICJ AND GENEVA-UNHRC (1994-2003) (6 PAGES)
--Extract begins ----
Resolution 1608 (xv) as submitted by the Fourth Committee, A/4737, and as amended orally by Guinea and Liberia, adopted by the General Assembly on 21 April 1961, meeting 994, by roll-call vote of 64 to 23, with 10 abstentions, as follows:
In favour:
Note: These are countries that believed that the union of the two Cameroons under a Federal system of two equal states would be a good thing!
Afghanistan, Austria, Bolivia, Bulgaria, Burma, Byelorussian SSR, Canada, Ceylon, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, Finland, Ghana, Guinea, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Japan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Mali, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Philippines, Poland, Romania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukrainian SSR, Union of South Africa, USSR, United Arab Republic, United Kingdom, United States, Venezuela, Yemen, Yugoslavia.
Against: Note: These are countries that were against such a union citing the violation of the Trusteeship agreement, and noting that there shall be future political (constitutional), socio-cultural and economic problems!
Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Cambodia, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, China, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Dahomey, France, Gabon, Greece, Israel, Ivory Coast, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Niger, Paraguay, Senegal, Upper Volta, Uruguay.
Abstentions: Columbia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Italy, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Togo.

THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
Recalling its resolution 1350 (XIII) of 13 March 1959 concerning the future of the Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration in which the General Assembly recommended, inter alia, that the Administering Authority take steps, in consultation with the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner for the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration, to organize, under the supervision of the United Nations, separate plebiscites in the Northern and Southern parts of the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration, in order to ascertain the wishes of the inhabitants of the territory concerning their future, and that the plebiscite in the Northern Cameroons be held about the middle of November 1959 on the basis of the two questions set out in paragraph 2 of the said Resolution,
“Recalling its resolution 1352 (XIV) of 16 October 1959 whereby it decided, inter alia, that a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons would be held between 30 September 1960 and March 1961, on the basis of the two questions set in paragraph 2 of the said resolution,
“Recalling further its resolution 1473 (XIV) of 12 December 1959 in which the General Assembly, having considered the results of the plebiscite in the Northern part of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration, recommended the organization by the Administering Authority, in consultation with the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner, of a further plebiscite to be held in the Northern Cameroons under United Nations supervision between 30 September 1960 and March 1961, on the basis of the two questions defined in paragraph 3 of the said resolution,
“Having examined the report of the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner concerning the two plebiscites held in the Northern and the Southern Cameroons in February 1961 and the report of the Trusteeship Council thereon,
Having heard the petitioners,
“1. Expresses its high appreciation of the work of the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner for the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration and his staff;
“2. Endorses the results of the plebiscite that:
“(a) The people of Northern Cameroons have by a majority, decided to achieve independence by joining the independent Federation of Nigeria;
“(b) The people of the Southern Cameroons have similarly decided to achieve independence by joining the independent Republic of Cameroun;
“3. Considers that, the people of the two parts of the Trust Territory having freely and secretly expressed their wishes with regards to their respective futures in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1352 (XIV) and 1473 (XIV), the decisions made by them through democratic processes should be immediately implemented; “4. Decides that, the plebiscites having been taken separately with differing results, the Trusteeship Agreement of 13 December 1946 concerning the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration shall be terminated, in accordance with Article 76b of the Charter of the United Nations and in agreement with the Administering Authority, in the following manner:
“(a) With Respect to the Northern Cameroons, on I June 1961, upon its joining the Federation of Nigeria as a separate province of the Northern Region of Nigeria;
“(b) With respect to the Southern Cameroons, on 1 October 1961, upon it’s joining the Republic of Cameroun; “5. Invites the Administering Authority, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun to initiate urgent discussions with a view to finalizing, before October 1, the arrangements by which the agreed and declared policies of the parties concerned will be implemented.”

ORAL HEARINGS:
General Assembly 15th Session (First and Second Parts).
Fourth Committee, Meetings 1004, 1010, 1012, 1066, 1086, 1096, 1097, 1098, 1105, 1108, 1120, 1127-1130, 1139, 1140, 1142, 1147.
-A/C.4/445 and Add.1-3, A/C.4/469 and Add.1-8.
Requests for Hearings.
-A/C.4/448. Note by Secretary General.
-A/C.4/490. Additional statement by Namaso Mbile, Cameroons People’s National Convention, Kumba Division, on Southern Cameroons.
-A/C.4/495. Statement by S.T. Muna, Minister of Commerce and Industries, Southern Cameroons.
-A/C.4/96. Additional Statement by Mayi Matip, Chairman of Union des Populations du Cameroun Parliamentary group.

APPRAISAL: by Justice M. Mbuh [2001] (Re-edited 05.03.2003) JUST WHY IS UN RESOLUTION 1608 SO CENTRAL TO THE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE TWO CAMEROONS [AMBAZONIA (British Southern Cameroons) AND CAMEROUN]?

1. The nations that voted in favour of the resolution might have had “unity as strength” as their guiding principle. But when we take a look at the said resolution, we have every reason to feel and believe that British Southern Cameroonians have been maltreated by both Cameroun and the United nations. From the said Resolution, we can make the following deductions:
2. A nation cannot become “independent by joining” another, especially if it is denied a seat at the World Organization. The case of the Republics that were part of USSR but had separate seats at the UN (and voted herein) is a glaring pointer! This condition secures the right of the parties to regain their sovereignty without necessarily having to pull much string, in case of material breach of treaty.
From (1) above, it is clear that the Trusteeship Agreement was already under violation, since “by joining” does not lead “to either self-government or independence” (76b)/(Declaration Granting Independence …)!
3. That Cameroun was among nations that opposed the Resolution and given that Cameroun has violated the Federation Treaty, besides the above Resolution demanding its implementation--both constitute gross evidence that Cameroun authority were not interested to have either a federation or unity of any sort with British Southern Cameroons. Thus Cameroun should not resist Ambazonian moves to form a separate Republic, which would fulfil Article 76b of the UN Charter and secure/protect the rights of her citizens.
4. France by virtue of its fears that Anglo-Saxon culture would 'pollute' and prevent them from exercising continuous neo-colonialism on its former colonies equally opposed the said resolution.
5. The Administering Authorities, in this case the United Kingdom did not do its job of ensuring that negotiations were conclusive before the stipulated date. Instead, what transpired was that Britain abandoned the Southern Cameroons at the mercy of French and Cameroun colonizers when it effectively pulled out of the territory one month to the date stipulated for the termination of the UN Trusteeship.
6. The UN equally failed to perform its role as supervisor of the process to decolonize the Southern Cameroons without necessarily compromising its sovereignty.
7. Evidence of the betrayal of Ambazonia (The British Southern Cameroons) by both Britain and the UN Nations is found in the fact that at the Foumban Constitutional talks, both parties were absent. Thus there was never any conclusive deal, which protected the Southern Cameroons from French and Cameroun intrigues.
Three things can be deduced from the above seven points:
1. Ambazonia (Southern Cameroons), even if we assume attained independence, stands clearly as an example of a none-state nation given that it was never given a seat at the UN.
2. By virtue of the fact that the Federation deal was never conclusive, everything that has been done in Cameroun in the name of unity and name-changing-syndrome aimed at colonizing Ambazonia is null and void ab initio, and must be considered not binding on Ambazonia (Southern Cameroons) which has clearly and effectively proven that there were unpardonable discrepancies in the unity process--which has led Cameroun to treat the Southern Cameroon masses as second class citizens and above all, refused to be lawful and accountable to/on the acts of government--acts of continuous aggression. Based on the above analyses, Ambazonia’s right to freely exercise its sovereignty can hardly be questioned, let alone denied.
3. The non-implementation of UN Resolution 1608 is glaring proof of a material breach of International Treaty and requires that the World Body actively take part in terminating the now too falsified relationship between Ambazonia and Cameroun before the situation turns into a bloody war of liberation.
AMBAZONIA PEOPLES EMANCIPATION COUNCIL (APEC) demands/suggests that the UN should redress this problem before it escalates into a full-scale war of liberation by granting Adult Membership to Ambazonia in the United Nations for a good start. The time to do so is now!
For more on the rights of Ambazonia as a State with all due rights having denied, see boundary treaties with Cameroun (Anglo-French Treaties of 1916, 1930; League of Nations Treaties endorsing the Anglo-French Treaties of 1916: 1919, 1922; see also Trusteeship Laws of the Trust Territories, UN Resolutions on decolonization, most specifically the General Assembly Declaration Granting Independence to All Colonial Territories and Other Peoples of December 5/12, 1960, the Terms of the "Two Alternatives" Agreement between Cameroun Republic's President Ahmadou Ahidjo and Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia's) Prime Minister John Ngu Foncha, and besides UN Resolution 1608 above, see also International Court of Justice (ICJ) Ruling over the disputed Bakassi Peninsula between Cameroun and Nigeria, in which the ICJ clearly identifies the territory "termed Southern Cameroons" but failed to cross-examine evidence presented by Cameroun claiming sovereignty of the said peninsula by way of the very plebiscite treaty under her glaring violation!
AMBAZONIA MUST BE FREE THE SOONER AND PEACEFULLY THE BETTER! STOP THE FLAGRANT AND BLATANT VIOLATION OF INTERNATIONAL TREATIES BY CAMEROUN; RESTORE THE STATEHOOD OF AMBAZONIA REPUBLIC ("Termed Southern Cameroons"--ICJ) NOW!
1. Ambazonia is a nation and was never a vacuum!
2. Ambazonia had a government!
3. Ambazonia had and still has a population (6.5 million people)!
4. Ambazonia had and still has international boundaries!
5. Ambazonia had a parliament and still has a constitution: the southern Cameroons constitutional order-in-council, 1960!
6. Ambazonia had and still has international organizations and nations debating on her behalf, to the extent some even admit lies against her--case in point: ICJ Bakassi ruling!
7. and most importantly, the democracy imperative for good government: Ambazonians were and still are the most democratic peoples on the African continent with a record of having changed two governments without incident even before the infamous two alternatives and united nations sponsored plebiscite of February 11, 1961, together with their unimplemented un resolution 1608 of April 21, 1961!

IF THERE IS ANY INTERNATIONAL MORALITY LEFT, THEN USE IT TO FREE AMBAZONIA NOW

By: Justice Muluh Mbuh,

S.G APEC Washington, DC, USA.

Friday, July 14, 2017

ALL SOUTHERN CAMEROONIANS SHOULD READ THIS Resolution 1608 Vs Cameroun by JusticeMuluh Mbuh




ALL SOUTHERN CAMEROONIANS SHOULD READ THIS
Resolution 1608 Vs Cameroun by JusticeMuluh Mbuh
CAMEROUN: IMPLEMENT UN RESOLUTION 1608 OR PULL OUT OF THE AMBAZONIA NOW!
Cameroun: Implement UN Res. 1608 or Pull out of Ambazonia (UN Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons) with alacrity before it is to late to do so peacefully. See details of Resolution and appraisal Below.

The International Community should find Cameroun Republic in violation of the Law of Nations by charges of breach of international treaty (Treaty of Union with Ambazonia) and accordingly delt with squarely thus:
1. Dismiss Cameroun from the UN and all affiliated organizations if they should fail to comply;
2. Impose Economic Sanctions including the blocking of all material and immaterial international aid to Cameroun if they do not comply;
3. Utilize a UN Intervention Force(s) to force Cameroun to withdraw from Ambazonia Republic as was the case when the UN bombed Iraq out of Kuwait.
The citizens of Ambazonia (UN Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons) continue to suffer unjustly because of Cameroun's illegal occupation which has led to the surpression of intellectual thought, the Anglo-Saxon Common Laws and Educational System, deprived of any vital economic development and including the systematic destruction of the agro-base industries that existed in the territory prior to the lies of Unification. In fact, agricultural base is being sold out to French people, including Christoff (?) Mitterand, the Son of Former French President Francios Mitterand! The failure to respond to these demands would be considered as a green light that Ambazoians can act accordingly and use any means possible to flush Cameroun illegal land lords out of the Ambazonia and no one, no country should blame Ambazonia for destabilizing the region in terms of the wider geo-political nature and location of the disputed territory.
See full text below.
UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTION 1608 (xv)
APRIL 21, 1961.
The Case of
“AMBAZONIA VERSUS CAMEROUN”
Resolution 1608 (xv) as submitted by the Fourth Committee, A/4737, and as amended orally by Guinea and Liberia, adopted by the General Assembly on 21 April 1961, meeting 994, by roll-call vote of 64 to 23, with 10 abstentions, as follows:
IN FAVOR:
Afghanistan, Austria, Bolivia, Bulgaria, Burma, Byelorussian SSR, Canada, Ceylon, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, Finland, Ghana, Guinea, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Japan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Mali, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Phillippines, Poland, Romania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukrainian SSR, Union of South Africa, USSR, United Arab Republic, United Kingdom, United States, Venezuela, Yemen, Yugoslavia.
AGAINST:
Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Cambodia, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, China, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Dahomey, France, Gabon, Greece, Israel, Ivory Coast, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Niger, Paraguay, Senegal, Upper Volta, Uruguay.
ABSTENTIONS:
Columbia, El Salvador, Guatamala, Haiti, Italy, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Togo.
“THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
“Recalling its resolution 1350 (XIII) of 13 March 1959 concerning the future of the Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration in which the General Assembly recommended, inter alia, that the Administering Authority take steps, in consultation with the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner for the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration, to organize, under the supervision of the United Nations, separate plebiscites in the Northern and Southern parts of the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration, in order to ascertain the wishes of the inhabitants of the territory concerning their future, and that the plebiscite in the Northern Cameroons be held about the middle of November 1959 on the basis of the two questions set out in paragraph 2 of the said Resolution,
“Recalling its resolution 1352 (XIV) of 16 October 1959 whereby it decided, inter alia, that a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons would be held between 30 September 1960 and March 1961, on the basis of the two questions set in paragraph 2 of the said resolution,
“Recalling further its resolution 1473 (XIV) of 12 December 1959 in which the General Assembly, having considered the results of the plebiscite in the Northern part of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration, recommended the organization by the Administering Authority, in consultation with the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner, of a further plebiscite to be held in the Northern Cameroons under United Nations supervision between 30 September 1960 and March 1961, on the basis of the two questions defined in paragraph 3 of the said resolution,
“Having examined the report of the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner concerning the two plebiscites held in the Northern and the Southern Cameroons in February 1961 and the report of the Trusteeship Council thereon,
Having heard the petitioners,
“1. Expresses its high appreciation of the work of the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner for the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration and his staff;
“2. Endorses the results of the plebiscite that:
“(a) The people of Northern Cameroons have by a majority, decided to achieve independence by joining the independent Federation of Nigeria;
“(b) The people of the Southern Cameroons have similarly decided to achieve independence by joining the independent Republic of Cameroun;
“3. Considers that, the people of the two parts of the Trust Territory having freely and secretly expressed their wishes with regards to their respective futures in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1352 (XIV) and 1473 (XIV), the decisions made by them through democratic processes should be immediately implemented;
“4. Decides that, the plebiscites having been taken separately with differing results, the Trusteeship Agreement of 13 December 1946 concerning the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration shall be terminated, in accordance with Article 76b of the Charter of the United Nations and in agreement with the Administering Authority, in the following manner:
“(a) With Respect to the Northern Cameroons, on I June 1961, upon its joining the Federation of Nigeria as a separate province of the Northern Region of Nigeria;
“(b) With respect to the Southern Cameroons, on 1 October 1961, upon it’s joining the Republic of Cameroun;
“5. Invites the Administering Authority, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun to initiate urgent discussions with a view to finalizing, before October 1, the arrangements by which the agreed and declared policies of the parties concerned will be implemented.”
ORAL HEARINGS:
General Assembly 15th Session (First and Second Parts).
Fourth Committee, Meetings 1004, 1010, 1012, 1066, 1086, 1096, 1097, 1098, 1105, 1108, 1120, 1127-1130, 1139, 1140, 1142, 1147.
A/C.4/445 and Add.1-3, A/C.4/469 and Add.1-8.
Requests for Hearings.
A/C.4/448. Note by Secretary General.
A/C.4/490. Additional statement by Namaso Mbile, Cameroons People’s National Convention, Kumba Division, on Southern Cameroons.
A/C.4/495. Statement by S.T. Muna, Minister of Commerce and Industries, Southern Cameroons.
A/C.4/96. Additional Statement by Mayi Matip, Chairmen of Union des Populations du Cameroun Parliamentary group.
APPRAISAL OF UN RESOLUTION 1608:
WHY IS UN RESOLUTION 1608 CENTRAL TO THE SOVEREIGNTY DISPUTE BETWEEN CAMEROUN AND AMBAZONIA (SOUTHERN CAMEROONS)?
The nations that voted in favor of the resolution might have had “unity as strength” as their guiding principle. But when we take a look at the said resolution, we have every reason to feel and believe that British Southern Cameroonians have been maltreated by both Cameroun and the United nations. From the said Resolution, we can make the following deductions:
1) A nation cannot become “independent by joining” another, especially if it is denied a seat at the World Organization. The case of the Republics that were part of USSR but had separate seats at the UN (and voted herein) are a glaring pointer to this effect! This condition secures the right of the parties to regain their sovereignty without necessarily having to pull much string, in case of material breach of treaty.
2) From (1) above, it is clear that the Trusteeship Agreement was already under violation, since “by joining” does not lead “to either self-government or independence” (76b) of the UN Charter/(Declaration Granting Independence …of Dec. 14, 1960)! Besides if Trusteeship was terminated on October 1, 1960, why then was Ambazonia not goiven a seat at the UN? Why did the UN see it fit to utilize the plebiscite tool to decolonize the territory? Was this act an application or a violation of the law? And what more of the absense of the UN and Trusteeship Council and Adminstering Authority of the said territory from ensuring that Paragraph 5 of the said Res. 1608 was actually effected? How else can one not cry foul play?
3) That Cameroun was among nations that opposed the Resolution and given that Cameroun has violated the Federation Treaty, besides the above Resolution demanding its implementation--both constitute gross evidence that Cameroun authority were not interested to have either a federation or unity with British Southern Cameroons. Thus Cameroun should not resist Ambazonian moves to form a separate Republic, which would fulfill Article 76b of the UN Charter and secure/protect the rights of its citizens.
4) France by virtue of her fears that Anglo-Saxon culture would pollute and prevent them from exercising continuous neocolonialism on its former colonies equally opposed the said resolution. Moreso, twelve other French-speaking and former French Colonies in Africa (see "Votes Against" in said resolution above) voted against any such union between Anglo-Saxon Ambazonia and Cameroun Republic. Thus there should be no resistence from their part whatsoever on letting Ambazonia go her way, even though Cameroun President Paul Biya already made Cameroun secession from the Union a legal clarity/reality with his Presidential Decree 84/001 of January 1984.
5) The Administering Authorities, in this case the United Kingdom did not do its job of ensuring that negotiations were conclusive before the stipulated date. Instead, what transpired was that Britain abandoned the Southern Cameroons at the mercy of French and Cameroun colonizers when it effectively pulled out of the territory one month to the date stipulated for the take-off (LEAVING BEHIND ONLY A FEW OF HER MARGESTY'S SOLDIERS WHO EFFECTIVELY HANDED OVER POWER TO CAMEROUN PRESIDENT AND NOT TO AMBAZONIANS ON SEPTEMBER 30 AT MIDNIGHT) for what they wanted us to accept as our independence day and the commencement of the KAMERUN CONFEDERATION (NOT FEDERATION)!
6) The UN equally failed to perform its role as supervisor of the process to decolonize the Southern Cameroons without necessarily compromising its sovereignty.
7) Evidence of the betrayal of Ambazonia (The British Southern Cameroons) by both Britain and the UN Nations is found in the fact that at the Foumban Constitutional talks, both parties were absent. Thus there was never any conclusive deal, which protected the Southern Cameroons from French and Cameroun intrigues. International law regards this absence as a major breach of international treaty and breach of trust and so all the deals from there hence must be seen as having no bearing on the citrizens of the Ambazonia whatsoever!
8) That on October 13, Cameroun President Ahidjo imposed Cameroun's constuitution and national emblems on the peoples of the "Southern Cameroons" in violation of all pre- and post plebiscite agreements, which by UN Res. 1608 attained Treaty status, and so must be found in contempt of the Rule and laws of the Law of Nations.
Three things can be deduced from the above seven points:
1) Ambazonia (Southern Cameroons), even if we assume attained independence, stands clearly as an example of a none-state nation given that it was never given a seat at the UN.
2) By virtue of the fact that the Confederation (not even federation) deal was never conclusive, everything that has been done in Cameroun in the name and name changing syndrome of unity is null and void ab initio, and must be considered not binding on Ambazonia (Southern Cameroons) which has clearly and effectively proven that there were unpardonable discrepancies in the unity process-which has led Cameroun to treat the Southern Cameroon masses as second class citizens and above all, refused to be lawful and accountable to/on the acts of government-this making Ambazonia (a UN Trust Territory which suffers from the effects of international conspiracy and breach of international treaty) to pass as a Cameroun Republic colony in 2002! Based on the above analyses, Ambazonia’s right to freely exercise its sovereignty can hardly be questioned, let alone denied.
3) The non-implementation of UN Resolution 1608 is glaring proof of a material breach of treaty and requires that the World Body actively take part in terminating the now too falsified relationship between Ambazonia and Cameroun before the situation turns into a bloody war of liberation.
The Ambazonia Patriotic Front (APF) acting as custodians of the message of the Ambazonia Republic’s “Ambazonia Peoples Emancipation Council (APEC) program” demands/suggests that the UN should redress this problem before it escalates into a full-scale war of liberation by granting Adult Membership to Ambazonia Republic in the United Nations, with alacrity for a good start. The time to do so is now for time isrunning out!
Justice Muluh Mbuh,
Secretary General,
Ambazonia Peoples Emancipation Council (APEC), Washington, DC,
Founder, Ambazonia Patriotic Front (APF)
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely"
Julius Che, June 1997- Buea.

Saturday, July 1, 2017

THE MEDICAL REALITIES OF CAMEROUN




THE MEDICAL REALITIES OF CAMEROUN
The government only recently announced the creation of a Reference Hospital in Bamenda. After how many years? And why only NOW? If our hospitals and healthcare systems where good, why is it NOT used by all those privileged in the government? Do they think we don't know what is happening?
This is the truth. If you can not trust your life in the care of thesame healthcare system that you claim to have put in place for your citizen to use, why do you think those citizen must trust their lives to it?
We already know that you know the entire healthcare system in Cameroun is a disgrace. A country which can not even boast of one CT Scan in each regional hospital to handle traumatic cases in situations like road accident victims our people with possible stroke but has Ministers embezzling huge funds with impunity. Do you know how much a CT Scan cost?
One Entry level CT Scan ( for exam a Toshiba Aquilion Prime ) = 300 million frs CFA or ($500,000 at exchange rate of $1 = 600frs CFA
We all have seen one person recently building a mansion of about $40 million with ill gotten wealth from our state coffers. Say we only consider this amount, and by our calculation of how much a single CT Scan cost, that $40 million could buy a whooping 80 CT Scans. That's 8 CT Scan in every Region in the entire country. That means each Division may actually have one CT Scan.
Just let that sink for a second. And you wonder why our youths are unemployed and our universities are not designed to properly address the pressing needs of the society. After how many years did the University of Buea get an accredited medical program? We are too late in implementing the things that mattered in building a vibrant nation and staying in this union is parasitic for the people of Southern Cameroons, whose rich resources are being harvested with no development to show. Look at Mundemba! Has one of the worst roads in the nation but actually supplies all the oil that comes out of SONARA.
It's time for people to see that this Union is designed to enslave the people of SOUTHERN CAMEROONS for ever.
Good for you Rigobert Nsong, you are lucky to be one of the few privileged ones who have the outlawed dual citizen in Cameroun with your French Passport but can still BENEFIT from our state coffers to sponsor your medical evacuation to treat your cerebral hemorrhage. But as you enjoy your second chance in life financed by the kind citizens of Cameroun, remember that there are many of those same citizens who may have not died like you should they had your privilege status. Their lives is obvious does not matter to their government that made sure you had your medical vacation. Not only did you get well, you let thesame government use you to as a tour puppet as a symbol of UNITY? What UNITY?
We are happy for your second chance in life but if there's one least thing you can do for us the people of Southern Cameroons who have now suffered so much with its brothers languishing in jail is to speak up against the injustice happening in Southern Cameroons and add your voice to the release of our leaders. Until then, we will never look at you and all Francophones who are silent to this atrocities thesame again - EVER
SOUTHERN CAMEROONS
YOU CAN DO BETTER ON YOUR OWN

"THE INEVITABLE NATURE OF CHANGE" by Barrister Akere T. Muna


Change is part of life. To try to go against change is to try to go against the very essence of the meaning of life. So when I read of high government officials and party apparatchiks, moving to Bamenda and Buea, I listen in to hear what the proposals are. Nothing, but a language that divides and the worn-out chant: ‘all is well’.
If there are thousands and thousands of people marching in the streets, if you feel the need to mobilize and explain, then all cannot be well. If people are being shot, buildings burnt and massive arrests taking place and the rule of law starts becoming arbitrary then all cannot be well. Not with my soul, or the soul of any human being.
In this country we are becoming confirmed experts at reinventing the wheel. Unfortunately this happens every time we are faced with a serious problem others have had to deal with before. It appears to me that the easier thing to do should be just to take a look at what others who have struggled through the same tribulation have done. In our case the most obvious thing would be to seek out Canadian experts or at least read up on what they have done. I am more than convinced that our Prime Minister who spent close to nineteen years in Canada knows what all of this is about. He most certainly must have traced the way ahead and unfortunately found some hawks in his path. So then what happened in Canada?
The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963-1969) is one of the most influential commissions in Canadian history. It brought about sweeping changes to federal and provincial language policy. The commission was a response to the growing unrest among French Canadians in Quebec, who called for the protection of their language and culture, opportunities to participate fully in political and economic decision-making.
Some of the issues that have always excited public attention in Canada from time to time inter alia have been summarized as follows:
the perception of fairness or unfairness in hiring and promoting speakers of one official language over speakers of the other;
the choice of one language over the other for meetings, documents, and internal memoranda (which are sometimes collectively characterized as the work “environment”);
the promotion of bilingual job candidates over people who only speak only one or the other of the two official languages;
the availability (or lack of availability) of language training for public servants, who cannot advance without the ability to speak both languages;
the costs associated with language-based hiring and promotion practices, including the practice of paying a “bilingual bonus” to public servants capable of speaking both official languages;
the need to provide government services to some Canadians in English, and to others in French.
I am sure all of the above might sound very familiar to many. That is not all. According to Wikipedia’s article “OFFICIAL BILINGUALISM IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE OF CANADA”. By the early 1960s, the issue of Canada’s seemingly perpetual inability to create an equitable distribution of jobs in the country’s rapidly expanding public service was becoming a key grievance underlying Quebec nationalism. In 1961, a Royal Commission studying the structure of the federal bureaucracy in Canada organized a special committee to study the issue of bilingualism within the Public Service. The Commission’s 1962 report included recommendations that the federal government “adopt active measures to develop bilingual capacities among its employees on a selective basis”, and that it more actively recruit qualified French Canadians who would have the potential to advance to the senior ranks of the federal administration (Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Government Organization, vol. I. Ottawa, 1962, p. 267).
The Royal Commission’s multi-volume report, published in 1969, recommended a radical redesign of the Public Service of Canada, in order to establish full equality between the two official languages in the federal administration, and a permanently equitable distribution of jobs, at all levels of seniority, between French-speaking and English-speaking Canadians (Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, vol. III, The Work World (Ottawa, 1969).
So what is the situation today in Canada? According to Wikipedia, “Today, the built-in barriers to the hiring and promotion of francophones have been overcome. French-speakers ceased to be underrepresented in the Public Service in 1978, and the percentage of public servants who are francophones has been growing steadily ever since. At the management level, French-speakers ceased to be under-represented in 1995. There is now a growing over-representation of persons with French as their first official language in the Public Service. In 2007, francophones occupied 31.5% of positions in the core public administration, and 26.9% in institutions subject to the Official Languages Act, overall.”
So if we were to borrow from the Canadians the first step will have been the creation National Commission headed by an Anglophone with an Anglophone majority with a mission to make recommendations come into law to rectify the injustices that are known. The archives of this country are loaded with petitions and statistics on the issues now being raised in the streets of Buea and Bamenda and elsewhere. Talking about “états généraux” which funnily enough does not have a proper English translation is nothing concrete.
I have just returned from the attending the 17th Conference of the International Anti Corruption Conference (IACC ) in Panama City. I was elected Chair Council that runs this Conference in 2014 and my mandate runs till 2020. The IACC is the premier global Conference on Anti Corruption. This Panama Meeting brought together 1800 participants, which included the ICIJ (international Consortium of Investigative Journalist) the group of investigative journalists who leaked what is unfortunately now known as the Panama Papers. The theme of this year’s conference was “Time for Justice, Equity, Security, and Trust”. Yes, the Conference was about corruption, but my mind was totally immersed in the news I was from home. As a consequence, I thought of home through the prism of the theme “Time for Justice, Equity, Security, Trust”. In effect Justice and equity is what the cries in the streets of the English-Speaking regions have been about. As matter of fact the same cry can be heard also in many other regions of the country. Security was not provided for those exercising of the simple right to demonstrate peacefully. Even when this was by students chanting “no violence” they met with the furor of Cameroonians in uniform that exercised incredible violence as if they had a score to settle. So what about trust? We have a Constitution that consecrates bilingualism and provides for the respect of common law legal culture without defining the legal institutions that have to ensure their enforcement. As you know, the 1996 provides for autonomous regions with elected officials. This was an idea conceived to counter the argument that was raging after the AAC and the strong movement for a federation. 20 years after nothing has happened. At the very least, the spirit could have been respected by the appointment of governors to regions from where they originate while waiting for elections. The rise of corruption, caused the introduction of article 66 on the declaration of assets. That has not happened and government appointees continue to steal the peoples’ money at the most alarming rate. Instead of dealing with the root of the problems we face, we struggle away with the symptoms. There is no ground for trust. Consequently any promises made are just taken for what they are: promises. Life is about trusting. Those who have lost trust, will always take the chances that they believe will lead to their happiness.
The problems we now face have been exacerbated by serious governance challenges, tribalism, favoritism, and corruption. A system in which everyone is on the rampage at the expense of the state, the poorest and the powerless has slowly been put into place. The victims of this are francophones and Anglophones. The distortion that is being brought by those who paint the issue as an Anglophone Francophone issue is astute. They are trying to mask a failure of governance and the impending threat of system breakdown following the state capture of our resources by a greedy few. Land grabbing is as rampant in Kribi as it is in Limbe. Lack of roads is shameful in the Northwest as in many other regions. Development in the three northern regions and economic hardship has been cited by international reports as being one of the key causes of the ease with which the youth are seduced by Boko Haram. If repression is the only answer to simple demonstrations by the unarmed then we should brace ourselves for sad times in this country. A list should be drawn of all the graduates from ENAM, FMBMS, IRIC, POLYTECHNICS, and other prestigious schools in the country. That list should be used to determine the parentage of all of these graduates. Then we will understand the level of nepotism in our country. These are facts that respect no linguistic or cultural divide. Between 75% to 80% of Cameroonians are under 25. Cameroonians youths now are hungering for a better future. That is an idea. You can oppress all you want but you cannot kill an ideal. That is the inevitable nature of change. There is a wind blowing and it is slowly turning into a tornado, there is nothing we can do to change the direction of this wind, but we can certainly adjust our sails to reach our destination.
In the final analysis we can blame everything on secessionists or any other person for that matter, even on me, since I have now been openly accused of fanning the flames of secession. The facts will not change. In the words of Tony Robbins, “change is inevitable, progress is optional”.